Examining the indirect effects of life satisfaction and perceived social support on selection optimization compensation and PTSD among the senior citizens of Ekiti state: A moderated mediation approach

This study is significant for several reasons, particularly in addressing the mental health challenges faced by senior citizens in Ekiti State, Nigeria. The unique demographic pressures in this region, including high fertility rates and dependency ratios, exacerbate the strain on perceived social support and life satisfaction, increasing the vulnerability of older adults to mental health issues such as PTSD. The research pioneers the exploration of Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC) strategies in Nigeria, providing valuable insights into their potential to alleviate mental health challenges in resource-constrained settings. By investigating the previously unexplored relationships between SOC, PTSD, perceived social support and life satisfaction, the study aims to influence mental health support policies and interventions tailored to the needs of older adults. Moreover, by identifying significant age-related differences in these mental health variables, the study will inform targeted interventions, offering practical guidance to policymakers and healthcare professionals working to improve the well-being of seniors.

A key mechanism explaining the relationship between PTSD and mental health outcomes in older adults is the role of life satisfaction (LS) and perceived social support (PSS). Life satisfaction has been found to play a crucial role in psychological well-being, and social isolation has been linked to increased mortality risk (HR = 1.33, 95% CI: 1.26–1.41) [84]. Among elderly populations, social isolation may reduce life satisfaction, thereby increasing PTSD symptom severity. Strengthening social networks could therefore serve as an important intervention target to improve life satisfaction and mental health outcomes in senior citizens

Research suggests that senior citizens’ levels of PTSD are influenced by both their life satisfaction and perceived social support [3]. PSS, a cognitive construct embedded in personality traits, refers to the belief that family, friends, and significant others are available to provide help, advice, or comfort when needed [85]. According to the stress-buffering model, social support mitigates the psychological effects of stress by reducing the perception of threat in response to a stressful event [86]. After such an event, PSS can facilitate cognitive and emotional processing, allowing individuals to reframe the situation and adapt more effectively [87,88]. When individuals believe that they have access to the necessary support resources, they are more likely to perceive stressful events as manageable, which in turn can reduce the likelihood or severity of PTSD symptoms. Understanding the impact of PSS and LS on PTSD in older adults can provide valuable insights for developing targeted mental health interventions.

While research highlights the role of life satisfaction (LS) and perceived social support (PSS) in reducing PTSD symptoms among senior citizens, the concept of PSS remains underappreciated in the Nigerian context. Despite its significance, the concept of perceived social support (PSS) remains underappreciated in Nigeria, where scholars often conflate it with received social support, neglecting PSS’s critical role in mental health outcomes [89, 90, 91]. Perceived social support refers to the belief that one is part of a social network of mutual obligation [92], while received social support is the tangible emotional or instrumental support given by others [93]. Although received support has shown mixed results in research, PSS consistently correlates with lower stress and better mental and physical health [94]. This gap in understanding and appreciating PSS in Nigeria underscores the importance of this study in exploring its impact on PTSD among older adults.

Given this lack of clarity and understanding regarding the distinction between perceived and received support, it is essential to note that previous studies have shown that, in general, PSS is correlated with improved physical and mental health [95,96]; and that PSS is more critical than received support in predicting adjustment to life stress [97]. On the other hand, researchers have found that in stressful situations, received social support is positively linked to negative affect [98] and depression [99]. However, the relationship between received social support and health outcomes is often negligible and inconsistent [96,100]. In contrast, the association between perceived social support (PSS) and health is consistently positive [96,101,102].

Building on the understanding that perceived social support is critical for mental health outcomes, it is particularly vital to recognize its role as a determinant of life satisfaction among older individuals. Indeed, PSS is an essential determinant for improving the LS of older people [103,104]. In recent years, PSS has been confirmed to be a significant factor influencing LS across various population groups, including older people [105]. Studies have shown that perceived social support significantly predicts both life satisfaction and negative psychological outcomes, such as anxiety, depression, and distress [99,106]. Conversely, the absence of PSS from family, friends, and significant others has been widely proven to decrease one’s life satisfaction [107]. Although the impact of PSS on life satisfaction is well established, the underlying mechanisms that explain this relationship remain complex and not fully understood [108]. In this context, little attention has been given to the specific relationship between PSS and LS among elderly people, especially in Ekiti State.

As established, perceived social support plays a vital role in influencing mental health outcomes and life satisfaction among older adults. Neugarten, Havighurst, and Tobin [109] define life satisfaction as the extent to which an individual has a positive self-concept and feels their past goals align with their current living conditions. For older adults, life satisfaction is closely related to various behavioral, psychological, and social outcomes, such as reduced stress and decreased externalizing behaviors [110]. Research indicates that individuals with higher levels of perceived social support are less likely to experience negative mental health outcomes, such as anxiety, psychological distress, and depression, leading to greater overall life satisfaction

In addition, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can significantly impact an individual’s well-being, particularly among older adults who have experienced life-threatening events. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed., text rev.; American Psychiatric Association, [111], PTSD can lead to severe distress and impair daily functioning in family, social and occupation. Numerous studies have indicated that common PTSD symptoms among senior citizens include hypervigilance, sleep disturbances, anger, difficulty concentrating, fatigue, muscle tension, and pain [15,16,64]. Furthermore, some researchers suggest that PTSD symptoms in older adults are often accompanied by somatic complaints and hyperarousal symptoms [15,16].

Recent findings indicate that as individuals with PTSD age, their avoidance and arousal symptoms may persist or worsen, while re-experiencing symptoms tend to decrease [28]. This shift in symptom profile can profoundly impact social interactions and overall life satisfaction. Moreover, research shows that being socially isolated increases the risk of early death by about 33%—with the true risk rising between 26% and 41% [84], underscoring the critical role of perceived social support in overall health. Given that strong social support is a well-established protective factor against PTSD, enhancing social support networks may be vital for mitigating PTSD symptoms among senior citizens in Ekiti State. For these older adults, the combination of limited social support and persistent PTSD symptoms can further challenge their quality of life. Therefore, understanding and addressing the specific needs of this population is crucial for developing targeted interventions aimed at improving their mental health and well-being.

However, studies examining the relationships between perceived social support (PSS) scores and PTSD incidence are notably inconclusive, with limited research correlating these two variables. Nevertheless, PSS plays a crucial role in moderating stress and depression and is associated with positive health behaviors and a sense of security among senior citizens [112]. Indeed, poor perceived social support has been identified as one of the most significant risk factors for the maintenance of PTSD and the development of its symptoms [56–58,113,114], as well as a lack of life satisfaction ( [59].

In light of these factors, it is essential to consider the broader socio-economic context. A recent report from the World Bank [61] forecasts that approximately 13 million Nigerians fall below the poverty level, while the National Bureau of Statistics [60] indicates that 63% (133 million people) of Nigerians are multidimensionally poor, encompassing monetary poverty, education, and access to basic infrastructure services. Notably, Ekiti State in southwestern Nigeria stands out as the poorest state, with a poverty headcount rate of 28%, in stark contrast to Lagos, which is the wealthiest state in the country [8]. Furthermore, Ekiti State exhibits the highest dependency ratio and total fertility rate in Southwest Nigeria, at 0.8% and 4.37%, respectively [75].

These demographic factors make Ekiti State a resource-depleting area, potentially leading to poor perceived social support and diminished life satisfaction, which may exacerbate PTSD among elderly individuals. However, this situation has yet to be thoroughly explored by scholars. Conversely, several researchers have characterized perceived social support (PSS) as a relatively stable trait [115,116], sharing commonalities with personality dispositions [117]. Nevertheless, PSS can also fluctuate over time, depending on an individual’s living circumstances, current mental health status, and exposure to positive or negative life events [118,119].

Moreover, exposure to severe stressful events can significantly impact perceived social support [120]. Individuals coping with such stressful experiences may struggle to engage in trusting relationships [118,119]. Interestingly, research presents mixed results regarding whether PSS mitigates, elevates, or remains constant during stressful situations [118,119,121,122]. Additionally, evidence suggests that greater psychological symptoms lead to lower levels of PSS [119,123,124], often due to the avoidance of PTSD symptoms among seniors [125]. Psychological symptoms, including PTSD and depression, can alter individuals’ thought processes and negatively affect their sense of social support [126,127]. Another potential common cause of lower PSS scores could be a history of trauma, which can be emotionally distressing. Exposure to traumatic events often contributes to the development of psychopathology [128] and is also associated with lower perceived social support [118].

Indeed, Kaniasty and Norris [119] examined individuals exposed to natural disasters and showed that more PTSD symptoms were associated with less perceived social support (PSS) 18 and 24 months post-trauma, supporting the notion of social selection, which posits that PTSD can influence social support. This highlights the critical role of PSS in the context of trauma. In a previous study, PSS was shown to mediate the relationship between challenging life events and psychological distress, such as anxiety, depression, and behavioral issues [129]. Additionally, research has demonstrated that higher levels of perceived social support are associated with more positive PTSD recovery outcomes [130].

Building on the understanding of perceived social support (PSS) and its relationship with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), it is essential to consider social causation or social deterioration theory, which explains how PSS can negatively impact PTSD. This theory posits that PTSD erodes social support because individuals with PTSD often develop an increased belief that others are dangerous and unsafe [131]. Such perceptions suggest that poor mental health diminishes social support [132,133]. Consequently, individuals with PTSD may find it challenging to establish trust, leading to increased social isolation [132]. From this perspective, researchers have proposed that PTSD symptoms such as insecurity, skepticism, social avoidance, and social isolation—can contribute to social rejection and reduced PSS and life satisfaction (LS) from others [19]. Additionally, a study of adults exposed to physical assault in Norway found that higher levels of PSS protected against the development of PTSD symptoms, while diminished PSS increased the risk of developing such symptoms [20]. Many scholars have built upon this perspective, suggesting that due to the avoidance and re-experiencing of PTSD symptoms, PSS could have a negligible effect on the disorder [132,133].

In light of the existing literature, it is important to note that while previous research has explored various aspects of life satisfaction (LS) among senior citizens in Nigeria, particularly in Ekiti State [134–136], none have examined the influence of LS on the incidence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). For instance, Odetola et al. [134] conducted a study on LS among senior citizens living in geriatric homes in Lagos, finding that most participants reported general satisfaction with their lives. However, loneliness, childlessness, and illness were identified as significant contributors to life dissatisfaction. In Ekiti State, Arogundade and Adebayo [9] highlighted that LS decreases with age and that family relationships are a key predictor of life satisfaction. More recently, a cross-sectional study of hospitalized patients aimed to determine the association between social support and LS among older adults in Ekiti State. The results revealed that 73.8% of senior citizens reported dissatisfaction with their lives, primarily due to a lack of government support, with 81% relying on their relationships for assistance [10]. Collectively, these findings suggest low levels of life satisfaction in Ekiti State, with contributing factors including loneliness, childlessness, and inadequate government assistance. This raises concerns about potential mental health challenges, such as PTSD, among senior citizens in Nigeria; however, no studies have yet investigated this area.

While studies in Nigeria have not explicitly linked life satisfaction (LS) with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), some limited research elsewhere has identified associations between the two. For instance, a study assessing community samples found that individuals with severe PTSD reported lower levels of life satisfaction compared to those with other mental health conditions or no diagnoses at all [137]. Furthermore, a cross-sectional study among police officers following Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans examined the relationships among resilience, gratitude, life satisfaction, and PTSD. The results indicated that positive factors such as resilience and life satisfaction could help mitigate PTSD symptoms [11]. This finding aligns with research suggesting that older adults generally report higher life satisfaction and positive affect, alongside lower negative affect, compared to younger adults [138–140]. Additionally, another study indicated that individuals with moderate or severe PTSD are more likely to experience low levels of life satisfaction [137]. Among military veterans in the United States, meaning in life was found to correlate with lower levels of PTSD symptoms [2]. Another study suggested that individuals with low life satisfaction may experience worse PTSD symptoms than those who report high life satisfaction [11]. While these studies are correlational and do not establish a causal relationship between PTSD and LS, they highlight the important roles that perceived social support (PSS) and LS play in the physical and mental health of senior citizens [77,78]. To resolve this ambiguity, we propose that perceived social support (PSS) and life satisfaction (LS) serve as explanatory variables for PTSD in this study.

Understanding how PSS and LS interact with the mental health challenges faced by this population can provide valuable insights into developing effective interventions aimed at enhancing their quality of life and mental resilience. In transition, understanding the interplay among SOC, PSS on PTSD can offer valuable insights into the mental health and well-being of older adults in Nigeria, ultimately informing the development of effective interventions to enhance their quality of life.

Selection, optimization, and compensation (SOC) is a model developed by Baltes and Baltes [7] as a process that older adults can use to cope with life stressors associated with aging [25]. The meta-theory posits that three life management processes—selection (a categorical choice for gain), optimization (a method for maximizing gain), and compensation (a strategy for minimizing losses)—lead to successful aging [7]. This theory serves as a life management model for adjusting to physical and behavioral changes [25]. According to the theory, individuals expend energy to maintain physical and emotional stability while seeking ways to compensate for losses and become more proficient in activities they already excel in [141]. Adult life experiences are characterized by a shift toward fewer resources gained and more resources lost, signifying that aging involves both growth and decline [142]. Additionally, Baltes et al. [141] noted that aging is primarily associated with gains for young people but predominantly with losses for older adults, as adult development increasingly shifts toward resource depletion [142]. Similarly, Blanchard-Fields et al. [143]suggested that SOC could serve as a model of coping [144], problem-solving [143], self-development, and goal adjustment [145].

Expanding on the SOC model’s theoretical foundations and its potential role in managing the aging process, we also consider how SOC strategies might intersect with mental health outcomes, particularly PTSD. However, we perceive SOC awareness and usage as emotional constraints that could exacerbate PTSD symptoms in elderly individuals. We therefore assume that SOC is significantly related to PTSD, potentially mediated by perceived social support (PSS). This assumption is supported by a study suggesting that greater adherence to SOC strategies was correlated with higher levels of physical health and stress among older adults with multimorbidity, where greater disability led to greater use of SOC strategies [146].

To our knowledge, there is limited literature exploring the relationship between SOC and PTSD, with only a few studies examining the connection between PSS and SOC. Furthermore, proactive strategies promoting SOC have been integrated into optimal psychotherapy approaches, particularly in cases of poststroke depression [147–149]. The SOC model has also been extended to encompass social aging, acknowledging the pressures imposed by social relationships [150], which may have implications for the relationship between PSS and the development of PTSD, particularly in older adults [151]. Additionally, differing perspectives on this concept exist [152]. For instance, Shirzadifard, Shahghasemi, & Hejazi [152] found that the implementation of SOC strategies led to significant variability in life satisfaction and was associated with increased depressive symptoms [81].

In addition to the theoretical considerations, some studies suggest that SOC is mood-dependent and tends to diminish with age, as resource deficits in advanced age may limit the effectiveness of SOC strategies [80,81,150]. Moreover, SOC has been viewed as a trait variable, potentially influencing the risk of depression and, in some cases, contributing to psychological deterioration [76]. However, this claim has been contested by scholars who argue that SOC should be considered a therapeutic variable, adaptable and beneficial in clinical interventions [153,154].

Alternatively, the use of SOC strategies has been found to significantly exacerbate depressive symptoms, as well as behaviors such as drinking and smoking [155]. However, more recent studies have contradicted these findings [150]. As such, it appears that SOC may function as both a state and trait variable, with the potential to contribute to dysfunctional behavior over short and long time frames, which could increase the risk of developing PTSD among senior citizens.

Indeed, previous studies have overlooked the potential association between SOC and PTSD through the mechanism of PSS. To address this gap, we propose that the relationship between SOC and PTSD could be mediated by PSS and LS. While existing research has not demonstrated a direct link between SOC and PTSD through LS or PSS, we suggest that SOC’s relationship with PTSD may be aligned with its connection to depression. Studies have shown significant overlap in the symptoms of depression and PTSD, including insomnia, decreased concentration, avoidance, withdrawal, lack of interest, social distancing, and anhedonia [22,156]. Additionally, the comorbidity rate of PTSD and depression ranges from 54.41% to 54.72% [22]. Further, depression has been shown to elevate the risk of developing PTSD after trauma exposure [157], while PTSD increases the likelihood of first-onset depression following trauma [23,24]. These correlations suggest that SOC may influence PTSD among elderly people, yet to date, no study has thoroughly examined this relationship.

Given the key aspects of SOC, such as resource loss, social convoy selection, adjusting to new environments, seeking help from significant others, and modifying relationships, it is plausible to suggest that PSS could help explain the relationship between SOC and PTSD for the first time in the literature. PSS is a vital social resource that plays an essential role in managing or coping with stress and has been strongly associated with psychological well-being during stressful times [158]. Compared to received social support, self-compassion has also been closely linked to an individual’s ability to adapt, regulate emotions, adjust, and cope with stress [158]. Specifically, one study showed that after leaving a war zone, veterans who perceived higher levels of support upon returning from the battlefield experienced less intense PTSD symptoms and reported better mental health and quality of life compared to those who felt less supported [159].

A meta-analysis indicated that lacking a network of meaningful relationships in life is a stronger predictor of mortality than certain unhealthy behaviors, such as smoking or physical inactivity [160]. Furthermore, cross-sectional research has consistently shown a negative relationship between social support and PTSD. Individuals who survive disasters but have higher levels of social support exhibit less severe PTSD symptoms, while those with more severe PTSD symptoms report lower levels of social support [56,58,132]. Conversely, perceived social support plays a more critical role in emotional and psychological well-being than the mere presence of a large social network or the type of support offered [119]. Research also suggests that perceived social support mediates the relationship between overwhelming disasters and psychological outcomes such as stress, emotional distress, and behavioral issues [129]. However, it is widely recognized that poor perceived social support is one of the most significant risk factors for both the development and persistence of PTSD symptoms [56,57,113].

Although there is a research gap regarding the relationship between SOC and PSS, Hobfoll’s Conservation of Resources (COR) theory [161] provides a valuable framework for bridging this gap by explaining the mechanisms and interactions between these two concepts. COR theory is particularly useful for understanding how individuals manage and accumulate primary, secondary, and tertiary resources to cope with stressors and challenges. In the context of this study, COR theory is especially relevant because it extends beyond simply correlating resources with performance and mental health issues among elderly individuals. Emerging from resource and psychosocial stress theories, COR theory [161,162] highlights how people mobilize and invest resources to mitigate stress and enhance well-being. Applied to the relationship between perceived social support and SOC strategies, COR theory provides insight into how individuals strategically allocate their resources to maintain and improve their well-being. Perceived social support, as a subjective psychological resource, can be conceptualized as a critical asset that elderly people can draw upon when facing stressors or adversity. Through the perception of support from their social network, they can gain emotional comfort, validation, and practical assistance in coping with challenges.

Meanwhile, SOC strategies involve actively managing resources to adapt to changing circumstances and demands [25]. These strategies include selecting the most relevant goals and relationships, optimizing the use of available resources, and compensating for potential deficits. This approach aligns with Hobfoll’s COR theory, which posits that individuals strive to acquire, retain, and protect resources, as losses or threats to resources can lead to adverse outcomes such as stress and psychological distress [162,163]. In the context of the interplay between perceived social support and SOC strategies, COR theory suggests that individuals who perceive greater social support may have access to a larger resource pool [163]. This expanded resource pool could enhance the effectiveness of SOC strategies, as individuals with a strong support network are likely to experience lower stress levels, providing them with more energy and capacity to engage in adaptive coping behaviors.

Building on this understanding of SOC strategies as adaptive mechanisms for managing resources and stress, the role of perceived social support becomes particularly relevant. The perceived availability of social support may act as a buffer against resource loss, thereby reducing the impact of stressors on an individual’s well-being. When faced with challenges, individuals can rely on perceived social support to alleviate stress and reduce the need for extensive resource compensation [86]. This concept aligns with the core principle of COR theory, which emphasizes the preservation of resources. However, SOC, as a psychological and behavioral management model for adapting to change [164], offers additional insights into this dynamic. Therefore, we speculated that SOC will significantly influence PSS, potentially bridging this knowledge gap. SOC strategies encompass various techniques for managing the multitude of changes that occur throughout the lifespan [7]. The model also explains how loss-based selection redirecting energy in response to the loss of previously available resources can lead to psychological and physical distress [25].

This challenge is compounded by the fact that optimization and compensation, which are central to SOC strategies, become increasingly effortful and demanding with age, often exceeding the individual’s social and technical resources [25]. In this context, perceived social support (PSS) could mediate the relationship between SOC and well-being, as SOC compensation often involves seeking help from others, developing new skills, and devoting more energy and time to manage changing circumstances [165]. Research has shown that PSS is significantly associated with personality traits [166,167], and cognitive and personality factors are considered the most stable predictors of SOC management strategies [25]. Furthermore, Baltes [168] demonstrated that SOC strategies predict unique outcomes in intellectual functioning, thinking styles [169], and adaptive coping behaviors, such as flexible goal adjustment and tenacious goal pursuit [170]. On a behavioral level, Lang, Rieckmann, and Baltes [171] found that individuals with rich social–personality resources (e.g., those who enjoy social relationships, seek help, and maintain physical closeness) exhibited more frequent use of SOC strategies compared to resource-poor older adults. The SOC model complements various coping models [144], problem-solving approaches [143], life satisfaction development, and goal adjustment frameworks [164,172]. A recent line of inquiry has suggested that SOC might influence PTSD through PSS, though no study has yet specifically examined this relationship. Given the prevalence of PTSD among elderly individuals, addressing this gap in the literature is essential. SOC could be viewed as a trait variable that either increases or decreases the risk of developing PTSD [76]. Therefore, understanding how SOC and life satisfaction interact with PTSD is crucial for developing effective interventions to enhance the psychological well-being of older adults. Exploring the interplay between SOC and PSS is equally important for understanding their potential role in mitigating PTSD symptoms and ultimately enhancing the psychological resilience of older adults.

Two theories explain the use of SOC (selection, optimization, and compensation) strategies. The first theory posits that as individuals age, they become more adept at utilizing SOC strategies due to the accumulation of life experiences. In contrast, the second theory suggests that biological and physical limitations associated with aging lead to a loss of resources, which may restrict the use of SOC strategies [7]. This second perspective illustrates how resource depletion can exacerbate depression in older adults and increase the likelihood of developing PTSD. As a result, aging becomes associated with SOC-related declines, where behavioral adaptation may diminish [25].

This connection between resource depletion and SOC-related declines further highlights how the limitations in adaptive behavior may contribute to psychological health challenges, such as PTSD, which could be influenced by life satisfaction (LS). The SOC model emphasizes that an individual’s resources such as mental, physical, and social are finite, and as people age, these resources are spread thinner across multiple domains. This decline in physical activity and adaptive behavior may contribute to psychological health challenges, such as PTSD, which could be influenced by life satisfaction (LS). The notion that life-management strategies (SOC) become more intricate with diminishing resources is supported by research [173]. However, studies examining the relationship between SOC, life satisfaction, and PTSD remain scarce in the literature.

Life satisfaction refers to a person’s overall evaluation of their subjective quality of life or general well-being [174]. It is often considered a key predictor of successful biopsychosocial adaptation in later life when individuals face losses in health, physical and cognitive functioning, social networks, and productive activities [175–177]. Interestingly, despite these age-related losses, many older adults do not experience a corresponding decline in life satisfaction, a phenomenon known as the “paradox of well-being.” Despite natural decreases in health, income, and physical or cognitive abilities, older adults often maintain high levels of life satisfaction by making accommodative shifts aligning their goals and aspirations with what is realistically achievable [178,179].

Furthermore, older individuals’ ability to sustain life satisfaction in later life may be attributed to an enhanced capacity for emotional regulation and proactive engagement in positive emotional experiences [139,180]. This framework sets the stage for exploring how SOC strategies and life satisfaction interact and potentially influence PTSD outcomes in older populations.

Similarly, socioemotional selectivity theory posits that older adults use their accumulated life experiences to effectively manage and avoid negative encounters by selectively choosing social partners—such as family and friends—who offer positive emotional feedback and support [181,182]. This theory aligns with research suggesting that older adults generally report higher levels of life satisfaction compared to younger adults [183]. Additionally, older adults tend to experience and engage more with positive emotions, paying closer attention to and recalling positive stimuli more readily than younger adults [184]. Supporting this notion, Inglehart’s [185] analysis of Eurobarometer surveys (1980–1986) and the World Values Survey found that, when controlling for factors like income, education, and marital status, people aged 65 and older demonstrated higher levels of life satisfaction and happiness compared to younger age groups.

However, most of these studies have been conducted in developed countries with high GDPs, advanced healthcare systems, higher income levels, and longer life expectancies, while fewer studies have focused on developing nations or Africa. For instance, Lucas and Gohm [186] found that the relationship between age and life satisfaction varied across countries—being positively related in some and negatively related in others. Similarly, happiness, as a measure of subjective well-being, tends to be greater in more economically developed countries, as indicated by higher GDP per capita [187]. Deaton’s [188] research using the Gallup World Poll revealed a linear decline in life satisfaction with age in most countries, with the most significant declines observed in lower-GDP nations, while mid-GDP countries showed a smaller decline. Moreover, socio-demographic factors, including marital status, income, education, number of children or wives, age, and religion, have been identified as determinants of life satisfaction in Africa, particularly in Nigeria [136]. Numerous studies suggest that being married, employed, religious, having better health, higher income, receiving social support, and achieving higher levels of education are all positively linked to various aspects of well-being [189–192]. Additionally, in Nigeria, having children and higher educational attainment are positively associated with life satisfaction [136].

Building on the discussion of socio-demographic factors and their impact on life satisfaction, the SOC framework offers a valuable lens for understanding how older adults adapt to aging-related challenges. From this perspective, life satisfaction (LS) is seen as a key indicator of psychological adaptation, with SOC strategies acting as a means of managing resources [193]. According to this framework, older adults amplify the positive effects of gains and minimize the negative effects of losses by selectively investing in achievable, optimal goals. In doing so, they compensate for their losses and limitations [193]. By focusing on growth-oriented goals, they maintain or even enhance their life satisfaction, despite age-related declines [193]. Research has consistently shown that greater use of SOC strategies at advanced ages leads to higher levels of well-being [173,194,195]. For instance, Jopp and Smith [173] demonstrated that SOC strategies—whether applied individually or in combination—mitigate the adverse effects of lower demographic (education), cognitive (perceptual speed), health (balance), and social resources (number of social partners) on well-being and life satisfaction. Moreover, recent studies indicate that SOC-based interventions may have therapeutic benefits, reducing depression and enhancing the well-being of older adults in clinical settings [154]. This growing body of research suggests that life satisfaction can act as a protective mechanism, preserving health, reducing vulnerability to serious illnesses, and promoting longevity through positive emotions that foster a more active lifestyle and greater self-care motivation [196].

Expanding on the relationship between SOC strategies and well-being, it is evident that life satisfaction can be achieved through the intentional setting of goals and effortful behaviors, as proposed by the SOC model. Several studies have confirmed the connection between SOC and mental health, though the findings have sometimes been ambiguous [173,197–199]. For instance, a study examining the daily use of SOC strategies across different age groups found that older individuals who applied more selection, optimization, and compensation strategies than their weekly average reported increased happiness. Specifically, both older and middle-aged adults demonstrated a positive association between daily SOC usage and happiness [173]. Additionally, Freund [197] reviewed evidence suggesting that SOC strategies enable individuals to use their resources more effectively, thereby enhancing life satisfaction. Further, Jopp and Smith’s [173] research, which compared young and older adults, revealed that SOC was significantly related to available resources and aging satisfaction. Notably, the association between resources and life satisfaction persisted when comparing younger-old and older-old individuals separately, reinforcing the role of SOC in maintaining well-being across different stages of aging.

Elaborating on these findings, it was observed that the relationships between SOC strategies and available resources were weaker in old-old individuals compared to young-old individuals. Additionally, SOC strategies were significantly correlated with aging satisfaction only among the young-old, but not in the old-old population [173]. This indicates that the concurrent effects of resources and SOC usage, which have shown strong correlations with well-being indicators in younger adults [198], may benefit individuals across adulthood and thus warrant further examination [199]. Furthermore, a study examining the impact of SOC-based psychotherapy on depression and well-being in older adults revealed that SOC interventions had significant therapeutic effects, reducing depression severity and increasing the overall well-being of senior citizens [199].

In contrast, PTSD has been associated with delayed onset in older adults [4,5,11] and other psychiatric symptoms [12, 13, 14], which may lead to lower life satisfaction. While there is evidence of a relationship between life satisfaction (LS) and PTSD [2,137], individuals who are dissatisfied with life are more likely to suffer from psychiatric conditions, including psychological distress, have an increased risk of suicide, and experience higher mortality rates [12, 13, 14]—all of which can be comorbid with PTSD [200]. Furthermore, one study found that people with moderate to severe PTSD are more likely to report low levels of life satisfaction [137], while meaning in life was shown to correlate with reduced PTSD symptoms [2]. These findings suggest, for the first time, that life satisfaction could be a plausible explanatory variable for the link between SOC and PTSD.

Despite the absence of studies explicitly linking SOC to PTSD through life satisfaction, we aim to address this knowledge gap. Existing research indicates that a significant decrease in SOC competencies is associated with depressive symptoms [150]. Conversely, some studies have shown that an over-reliance on SOC strategies can lead to psychological distress. It appears that individuals facing physical and emotional challenges may be resistant to using SOC strategies, which can exacerbate their distress [146,171]. Yuen and Vogtle [146] explained that a rigid adherence to SOC methods is correlated with heightened physical health stressors. Similarly, in a study involving older adults with multimorbidity, greater disability resulted in increased utilization of SOC strategies [146]. However, the authors found that SOC strategies did not correlate with loneliness or depressive symptoms in women. In a longitudinal study, Lang, Rieckmann, and Baltes [171] reported that resource-rich participants were more likely to employ adaptive SOC strategies compared to resource-poor participants. Considering the mixed findings, it is crucial to investigate how age moderates the relationship between SOC strategies and PTSD. Age-related factors influence resource availability and adaptive behavior, making it important to explore whether older adults are more vulnerable to PTSD or if age helps buffer the impact of SOC strategies on psychological distress.

Gorman [201]) posits that aging is a biological reality and process that no human can control. According to Shock [202], when aging occurs in humans, physiological development is usually accompanied by psychological and behavioral changes and other changes involving social and economic factors. In their quest to find solutions to some of these challenges imposed by aging, scholars from the beginning of the mid-1980s developed considerable models that proposed that aging individuals can boost their health [197,203,204] while avoiding decreases and losses by taking responsibility for their health [205] and adapting their health behaviors [206].

Studies focusing on the use of the SOC procedure in very old adults could help researchers investigate the moderating effects of age groups on the association between SOC and PTSD. Age stratification and age groups (young-old, old-old, oldest-old) led to considerable content among scholars, policymakers, and social gerontologists. To this extent, there has yet to be a consensus among educators as to what constitutes age groups. Furthermore, many scholars have said that such conceptualization connotes ageism and should be disregarded [207]. Nevertheless, despite these contentions and misunderstandings, age stratifications have been adopted in policy documents, and today, the plurality of aging studies and policy documents use age bands to define an old population [208]. The most common approaches in the aging literature include 65–74 (year (young old), 75–84 years (old-old), and 85 plus (oldest old) Neugarten [209].

Considering these factors, our reason for adopting this categorization in the present study is that the Age Harmonization Act of 2012 and 2022 of Nigeria put the retirement ages of judicial officers and professors of tertiary institutions at 70 years each and 65 years, respectively, for secondary and primary schoolteachers and judicial staff. People aged 65–74 years, both young and old, are among the growing senior citizens in the Ekiti state and Nigeria. According to the National Population Commission [79], young old constitute two-thirds (63%) of senior citizens nationwide, and in Ekiti State, this demographic sector comprises approximately 54.7%. Again, 35.9% of the elderly populations are aged 75–84 years, and this demographic population is also on the rise [79]. Similarly, the oldest individuals (85+) in the state are few but increase in number. Recent data show that the oldest old people constitute 19.8% of the total population in Nigeria [210].

The inclusion age groups as a moderator is theoretically grounded in the Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC) model [80], which explains that aging involves a progressive shift from resource acquisition to resource depletion. This shift may influence an individual’s ability to effectively utilize SOC strategies, potentially affecting psychological resilience, particularly in response to PTSD symptoms. While SOC theory has been widely applied in aging, well-being, and cognitive adaptation research, no study to date has examined its role in PTSD outcomes. Given that PTSD symptoms often involve disruptions in coping mechanisms, it is critical to explore whether SOC—an adaptive strategy for managing resource constraints—can buffer against PTSD symptoms, and whether this effect varies across different age groups.

Empirical findings on SOC usage across the lifespan remain inconsistent. Freund and Baltes [81] found a negative age association with SOC strategy use in older adults (73–103 years), suggesting that as age increases, the ability to optimize and compensate declines due to diminishing cognitive and physical resources. In contrast, Baltes [211] reported that SOC behaviors are observed across all age groups, with middle-aged adults demonstrating the highest engagement, likely due to an optimal balance of available resources.

Given these contradictory findings and the lack of research on SOC in PTSD, a moderation analysis is necessary to examine whether age differentially influences the effectiveness of SOC strategies in reducing PTSD symptoms. A significant moderation effect would suggest that the protective role of SOC in PTSD varies across age groups, offering insights into age-specific interventions. Thus, this study fills an important gap in the literature by being the first to apply SOC theory to PTSD symptoms, while also addressing whether age influences the SOC-PTSD relationship. By clarifying this relationship, the findings could inform more tailored intervention approaches for individuals at different life stages.

In general, SOC strategies appear to be particularly beneficial for older individuals with fewer available resources [171,173] and for younger adults [212]. Freund and Baltes [81] found that SOC strategies are linked to positive outcomes even in advanced old age, as demonstrated in a study involving participants aged 72–102 years. Research comparing young-old individuals (approximately 70–80 years) and oldest-old individuals (80–90 years) showed that satisfaction with aging was higher when sufficient resources were available. Moreover, the use of SOC strategies independently increased satisfaction, but only in the young-old group [173]. For old-old individuals, greater resource availability significantly contributed to aging satisfaction, whereas the use of SOC strategies only made a difference when resources were insufficient. Thus, for the oldest individuals, having sufficient resources is the key factor in life satisfaction [173].

On the other hand, resource deficits especially in areas such as physical and functional health, social networks, and cognitive capacity are well-documented across many cultures for young-old, old-old, and oldest-old individuals, becoming more pronounced as people reach the oldest age groups [103,213]. It has been suggested that the decline in the use of the three SOC components (selection, optimization, and compensation) from middle to late adulthood is linked to the depletion of these resources. However, older adults can still effectively compensate for these deficits by utilizing SOC strategies more efficiently [214,215].

However, some suggest that the use of SOC strategies across different age groups may be linked to adverse mental health outcomes, particularly depression [173]. For instance, a study on hospitalized patients found no significant differences in SOC competencies between younger and older adults in terms of depression severity, both at admission and during remission [150]. SOC is considered a trait variable that may either increase or reduce the risk of depression and relapse [76], while depression itself can impact SOC competencies [150]. Interestingly, when participants were treated using SOC strategies, the middle-aged group (50–66 years) showed the best outcomes compared to younger and older groups [150]. A separate study on workers also found no evidence of a decline in SOC competencies with age, suggesting that these strategies may be maintained throughout the lifespan [216]. Although SOC strategies help counter resource deficits and promote well-being into old age, their impact on other aspects of mental health, particularly PTSD, remains largely unexplored. It is essential to investigate how age may moderate the effectiveness of SOC strategies in specific contexts, such as PTSD, as age-related changes in coping resources and health can potentially influence how older adults experience and manage PTSD symptoms.

According to Kaiser et al. [217], it is common in the aging literature to conceptualize older adults into subgroups: young-old (ages 65–74), middle-old (75–84), and old-old (85 and older) [209]. However, the PTSD literature on older adults is relatively limited and has not fully adopted this type of categorization [217]. This gap highlights the importance of examining whether age-related differences influence mental health outcomes in older adults, particularly in how they experience and manage PTSD. Given the potential variability in both coping resources and PTSD symptoms across age groups, studying the moderating role of age in the effectiveness of SOC strategies is crucial to understanding how older adults across different PTSD is not a static condition; its symptoms fluctuate throughout the lifespan, influenced by life stressors, significant events, and physiological changes [218]. As individuals age, these factors may alter how PTSD is experienced and managed, suggesting that different age groups—young-old, middle-old, and old-old—exhibit distinct PTSD symptoms and coping mechanisms. This variability highlights the importance of examining age as a moderating factor in trauma-related mental health outcomes.

Scholars debate how prior trauma affects older adults. Some suggest that repeated trauma builds resilience, leading to an “inoculation effect” that reduces PTSD severity over time [219], while others argue that cumulative trauma increases vulnerability, exacerbating PTSD symptoms [64]. Additionally, PTSD symptoms in older adults tend to shift re-experiencing symptoms decline, while avoidance symptoms become more prominent [126]. However, these symptoms often go unrecognized because older adults frequently express distress through somatic complaints rather than psychological terms, contributing to underdiagnosis [15]. PTSD in this population is also linked to accelerated aging, chronic illnesses, and trauma-induced epigenetic changes, increasing the risk of neurological and metabolic conditions [220]. In severe cases, PTSD-related morbidity may shorten life expectancy, making it crucial to examine protective factors like perceived social support (PSS) and Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC), which influence resilience and coping in late adulthood.

Given these challenges, age emerges as a critical moderator in the PTSD-coping relationship. Coping mechanisms, such as Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC), may function differently across life stages, particularly as older adults face increasing resource limitations, including declining health and cognitive capacity. These age-related changes may reduce the effectiveness of SOC strategies in managing PTSD symptoms. Research shows that PTSD symptomatology fluctuates due to life stressors, trauma anniversaries, and age-related emotional and physiological shifts [218]. Aging literature commonly divides older adults into subgroups young-old (65–74), old-old (75–84), and oldest-old (85+)—to account for cognitive, emotional, and physical differences, which influence PTSD experiences [209,221]. Additionally, studies suggest that the effectiveness of coping strategies, including those in the SOC model, declines with age, impacting how PTSD is managed across different age groups [81]. Therefore, this study seeks to explore whether age moderates the effectiveness of SOC strategies and perceived social support in alleviating PTSD symptoms among older adults.

Based on these findings, our study examines the moderating role of age on PTSD experiences to better understand how PTSD manifests across different stages of aging and to inform age-specific interventions. This approach offers valuable insights into how older adults navigate trauma and how tailored interventions can enhance their well-being across different life stages.

Research shows that specific PTSD symptoms, such as hypervigilance, have a significant influence on the progression of other symptom clusters over time. Hypervigilance, which includes sleep disturbances and a constant sense of being on guard, is more prevalent in older adults and tends to worsen with age-related stressors such as declining physical health [222]. These age-related shifts in symptomatology suggest that age could play a moderating role in how PTSD symptoms evolve and how effective coping mechanisms are in mitigating these symptoms. Additionally, older adults experience changes in their physiological response to stress, which can further alter the intensity and presentation of PTSD symptoms [221].

By focusing on different age groups within the elderly population—such as young-old (65–74), old-old (75–84), and oldest-old (85+), this study aims to reveal distinct patterns in PTSD symptomatology and the effectiveness of interventions like SOC strategies and social support. These biological and psychological changes may moderate how well SOC strategies work in mitigating PTSD symptoms as individuals progress through different stages of aging. Furthermore, the challenges faced by older adults—such as increased social isolation, declining health, and limited access to resources may exacerbate PTSD symptoms and reduce the effectiveness of coping strategies [217]. Exploring these age-specific challenges will clarify how age moderates the relationship between trauma exposure, PTSD, and coping mechanisms. This approach will also fill a gap in the literature, as the PTSD field has not widely adopted age-based subgroup analyses, despite evidence suggesting that different age groups within the elderly population experience mental health issues, such as PTSD, in unique ways.

Indeed, by examining age as a moderator, this study will contribute valuable insights into how PTSD manifests and is managed across different stages of life, offering tailored recommendations for interventions targeting older adults. The inclusion of age-based subgroups will also provide a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between PTSD, coping strategies, and social support, thus addressing important gaps in the existing PTSD literature on older adults.

As shown in Fig 1, the conceptual diagram illustrates how this research was structured, and the explanations of the findings are provided accordingly.

This study followed the ethical guidelines outlined in the Declaration of Helsinki. Prior to participation, informed consent was obtained from all participants. The study protocol was approved by the Ethical Committee for Research, Development, and Innovation at Ekiti State University, under reference number ORD/EAC/23/116.

Participants were provided with an informed consent form that detailed the research purpose, potential risks and benefits, confidentiality measures, and their rights. The form was presented in written format, and participants were encouraged to ask questions before agreeing to participate. For those who could not read or write, the consent process was conducted verbally, with a researcher reading and explaining the form. A witness, either a team member or a family member, was present to confirm that the participant understood the information and voluntarily consented. This witness served to document and verify the authenticity of the verbal consent.

The current study focused on a population in Ekiti State, southwestern Nigeria, which, despite being the smallest and poorest state in the region, boasts the highest life expectancy, dependency ratio, total fertility rate, and underemployment rate among the elderly across the six Yoruba States. To achieve the study’s objectives, a purposive sampling technique was utilized to select four out of the sixteen local government areas (LGAs) in Ekiti State. This method was deemed appropriate to ensure that the selected LGAs met specific criteria relevant to the study, particularly concerning the presence of elderly individuals.

The selection of these LGAs was influenced by various factors, including geographical diversity, population distribution, and the availability of elderly residents. Notably, the inclusion of LGAs with tertiary institutions facilitated a balanced representation of participants due to the demographic-based quota systems employed in job allocations within state and federal institutions. To engage local farmers and marketers, the research team collaborated with community leaders, agricultural cooperatives, and local associations, who were instrumental in identifying eligible participants. Informed consent was obtained from each participant, emphasizing the importance of clear and culturally sensitive communication to ensure they fully understood the study’s objectives and their rights.

We realized that the collection of data from elderly individuals is often a difficult challenge. Many senior citizens do not want to think of negative experiences, while others have cognitive difficulties, agitated behavior, self-neglect and difficulty with trust. Considering these limitations, it is noteworthy that collecting data on this demographic characteristics, particularly when assessing sensitive topics related to mental health and well-being, presented specific challenges. These challenges included reluctance to share information due to privacy concerns and stigma surrounding mental health issues, limited literacy and digital literacy among some participants, and the need to accommodate various cultural and language preferences. To overcome these challenges we introduce the adaptation of data collection methods to ensure that older adults with varying levels of willingness and ability to participate in research could contribute meaningfully to the study. By accommodating these challenges, the study aimed to enhance data quality and participant engagement.

To include local farmers aged 65–85 + years in the study, a specific approach was adopted to address potential challenges related to literacy and language proficiency. This method involved administering questionnaires with verbal assistance in Yoruba, the predominant local language in the study area. The questionnaires were originally designed in English and adapted for eligible local farmers and marketers who were artisans. To account for potential literacy limitations, the questionnaires featured clear and concise language, with terms commonly used in Western countries modified to reflect expressions familiar in Nigeria. All questionnaires were accompanied by research team members fluent in both English and Yoruba, who provided verbal assistance upon request.

When participants sought help, a research team member interpreted and read the questionnaire items aloud in Yoruba, ensuring that participants fully understood the questions and response options. The research team was trained to approach this process with cultural sensitivity, respecting participants’ preferences and ensuring that the verbal assistance did not influence their responses. Participants were assured that their answers would remain confidential and that personal identifiers would not be linked to their survey responses, thereby safeguarding their privacy. The final sample of local farmers, artisans, and marketers was selected based on their willingness to participate and whether they completed the questionnaire independently or with verbal assistance in Yoruba, according to their preference.

The short version of the Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC) Questionnaire developed by Baltes et al. [223] was used to assess the behavior of older adults in Ekiti State. The questionnaire was framed with general instructions asking participants how they accomplish things in their lives. It consists of 12 items divided into four components: elective selection (ES), loss-based selection (LS), optimization (O), and compensation (C). Each item uses a forced-choice response scale, presenting two attractive response options: one illustrating an SOC strategy and the other a non-SOC strategy, known as the distractor item.

Participants were asked to choose the response (SOC-related or non-SOC-related distractor) that best reflected their behavior on a 4-point scale, ranging from “a little” to “exactly.” For example, an item related to loss-based selection includes: “When things do not go as well as before, I choose one or two important goals” (SOC strategy) vs. “I try to keep all my goals” (non-SOC distractor). Responses favoring the SOC strategy were scored, and an aggregate score was calculated by summing the SOC responses. The reliability of the four SOC components showed coefficients of 0.36 for loss-based and elective selection, 0.66 for optimization, and 0.35 for compensation. Previous research has demonstrated satisfactory test-retest stability (0.70-0.80) for each component [198]. Our study’s reliability statistics revealed a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.648, indicating moderate internal consistency, suggesting some reliability in the measurements but room for improvement in item homogeneity.

The PTSD Checklist Civilian Version (PCL-C/S), developed by Weathers et al. [224], was used in this study to assess trauma symptoms, based on the DSM-IV criteria. The scale consists of 17 items that ask participants how frequently they have experienced specific symptoms in the past month, rated on a five-point scale. The total symptom severity score ranges from 17 to 85, with previous studies in Nigeria using cutoff scores of 21, 35, and 44 for screening purposes. A total score of 44 or higher is considered indicative of PTSD. The scale addresses three DSM-IV symptom clusters: re-experiencing (items 1–5), emotional avoidance (items 6–12), and hypervigilance (items 13–17).

Research has shown that the PCL-C demonstrates strong reliability and validity. Blanchard et al. [225] reported an alpha of 0.94, and Ventura et al. [226] found a validity score of 0.86 and a test-retest reliability of 0.80 in a sample of trauma survivors in France. In this study, the PCL-C had a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.818, indicating a high level of internal consistency, which suggests the 17-item scale is generally reliable with moderate to high internal consistency.

The PSS-2002 is a 12-item self-report instrument developed by Zimet et al. [227] that assesses the PSS of the family (11,8,4,3), the PSS of friends (6,7,9,12), and the PSS of significant others (1,2,5,10). The participants responded on a seven-point scale ranging from 1-very strongly disagree to 7-very strongly disagree. A high score means that an individual has a high PSS. The MSPSS has a Cronbach’s alpha of.90. This recent study showed that the MSPSS has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.92. However, in this recent study, the reliability statistics revaled a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.648, indicating a moderate level of internal consistency. The moderate internal consistency suggested that there was some reliability in the measurements, but there was room for improvement in the homogeneity of the items within the scale.

The Life Satisfaction Index (LSI-Z), a survey of 18 items developed by Neugarten, Havighurst, and Tobin [109], asks respondents to rate statements about life in general on a scale of 1–3, where 1 = Disagree, 2 = Unsure, and 3 = Agree. The total score is calculated by summing all items, with possible scores ranging from 18 to 54. Lower scores indicate lower life satisfaction, while higher scores represent greater satisfaction with life. The LSI-Z is a widely used measure of well-being among older adults, with considerable research examining its factor structure and reliability across different racial and ethnic groups [228–230]. Previous studies have reported an average reliability of 0.79.

In this present study, the LSI-Z demonstrated moderate to high internal consistency, with a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.770. This suggests that the 18-item scale is generally reliable, with consistent results across respondents. The bivariate correlational analyses in previous research found no significant relationships between score reliability and sample characteristics such as sample size, age, gender distribution, or mean LSI scores, further supporting the robustness of the LSI-Z as a measure of life satisfaction in later life.

To ensure the robustness of the Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) results, key assumptions were systematically tested. These assumptions include normality, linearity, multicollinearity, and sample size adequacy.

In this study, a moderated mediation analysis was conducted using Hayes’ Model 5 macro in PROCESS based on the data collected from the participants. The following results address the hypotheses proposed for the study, and the findings are presented in the order of the research questions.

As showing in Table 9, the results revealed that SOC had a significant influence on perceived social support (β = 0.16, t = 2.50, p < 0.05). This finding implies that SOC influences perceived social support among senior citizens in Ekiti State. Hence, the hypothesis was supported.

H₂: Will the SOC influence life satisfaction among senior citizens in Ekiti State?

The results in Table 10 revealed that the SOC had an insignificant influence on life satisfaction (β = -0.04, t = -0.90, p (0.37) > 0.05). This finding implies that the SOC does not influence life satisfaction among the senior citizens in Ekiti State. Hence, this hypothesis was not supported.

H3: Will SOC influence PTSD among senior citizens in Ekiti State?

The results revealed that SOC had a significant negative influence on PTSD (β = -0.24, t = -3.08, p < 0.05). The table below shows the influence SOC on PTSD among older people in Ekiti State. Hence, the hypothesis was supported.

Outcome Variable: PTSD; N = 321.

As shown in Table 11, the analysis revealed a significant negative impact of SOC on PTSD, with a coefficient of -0.24 (t = -3.08, p < 0.05). This finding implies that SOC strategies significantly reduce PTSD symptoms among older adults in Ekiti State, supporting the hypothesis.

H₄: Will perceived social support influence PTSD among senior citizens in Ekiti State?

The results revealed that perceived social support had an insignificant influence on PTSD (β = 0.07, t = 0.98, p (0.33) > 0.05). The table below shows the insignificant influence of perceived social support on PTSD among senior citizens in Ekiti State.

As shown in Table 12, the coefficient for perceived social support (β = 0.07) was not significant (p = 0.33), with t = 0.98. The confidence interval from -0.06 to 0.20 includes zero, confirming the lack of statistical significance

H₅ hypothesis: Will life satisfaction influence PTSD among senior citizens in Ekiti State? The results revealed that life satisfaction had an insignificant impact on PTSD (β = 0.02, t = 0.16, p_(0.87) > 0.05). The table below shows that life satisfaction does not influence PTSD among senior citizens in Ekiti State. Hence, the s was not supported.

As shown in Table 13, the coefficient for life satisfaction (β = 0.02) was not significant (t = 0.16, p = 0.87). The confidence interval ranged from -0.24 to 0.28, including zero, which confirms the lack of statistical significance. This result indicates that life satisfaction does not have a significant influence on PTSD among senior citizens in Ekiti State. Consequently, the hypothesis (H5) was not supported

H₆: Will young-old, old-old and oldest-old moderate the indirect relationship between SOC and PTSD?

To test the hypothesis that age moderates the indirect relationship between SOC and PTSD, the Hayes process macro was utilized.

As shown in Table 14, the results support the hypothesis (H6) that age moderates the relationship between Selection optimization compensation (SOC) and PTSD. The overall model was significant (F = 4.33, p = .00), explaining 6% of the variance in PTSD scores (R² = 0.06). SOC showed a significant negative relationship with PTSD (β = -0.24, p = .00), indicating that higher SOC is associated with lower PTSD symptoms. Although age alone did not significantly predict PTSD (β = 1.37, p = .11), the interaction term (SOC*Age) was significant (β = -0.25, p = .01), confirming that age moderates the relationship between SOC and PTSD. This suggests that the effect of SOC on PTSD varies across age groups (young-old, old-old, oldest-old).

As showing in H6, Table 15, the hypothesis proposes that age groups (young-old, old-old, and oldest-old) might moderate the relationship between social support (SOC) and PTSD. The results from the table partially confirm this hypothesis:

The moderating effect of age on the relationship between selection optimization compensation (SOC) and PTSD is shown in Table 14. The significant interaction term (SOC × Age, β = −0.25, p = 0.01) indicates that the effect of SOC on PTSD varies depending on age. Specifically, as age increases, the negative effect of SOC on PTSD diminishes, suggesting that SOC has a less significant impact on reducing PTSD for older individuals. Additionally, Table 15 shows that the interaction term (SOC × Age) accounts for a significant change in R² (R² change = .02, F = 7.32, p = .01), further confirming the moderating effect of age.

Although age alone is not a significant predictor of PTSD (p = 0.11, Table 14), the significant interaction term demonstrates that the moderation effect is crucial in this model. These findings support the hypothesis that age moderates the relationship between SOC and PTSD, with older individuals experiencing a weaker relationship between SOC and PTSD symptoms

As showing in Table 16 above, the moderating interaction effect between age and SOC accounted for a significant amount of variance in PTSD (R² = 0.02, p = 0.05). This finding implies that a 2% change in PTSD can be attributed to the interaction term. The results in Table 3 also reveal a significantly negative moderating role of age in the association between SOC and PTSD (β = -0.25, t = -2.71, p < 0.05).

As illustrated in Table 16, the conditional effects of the focal predictor (SOC) on the moderator (Age) were low (-0.09) and not significant (P_(0.35) > 0.05). However, when age was average, its effect increased to (-0.24) and was statistically significant (p < 0.05). Additionally, when age peaked, the effect was high (-0.43) and found to be statistically significant (p < 0.05). This process is also depicted in Fig 2. This finding suggested that SOC significantly strengthened PTSD symptoms at average (75–54) and high (85 years and older) agesAs shown below in Fig 2, the impact of Selection optimization compensation (SOC) and age groups on the incidence of PTSD is illustrated Fg2.tif

H₇: SOC strategies will significantly influence PTSD through perceived social support and life satisfaction among older people inEkiti State.

As shown in Fig 3, the model examines whether the construct of SOC has an indirect effect through PSS and LS on the construct of PTSD. Further it examine the conditional direct effect of SOC on PTSD and the moderating effect of Age is assessed on the linkage between SOC and PSTD.

Table 17 summarizes the mediation analysis of the role of Perceived Social Support (PSS) and Life Satisfaction in the relationship between SOC strategies and PTSD.

H7a: Perceived Social Support (PSS) as a Mediator

As indicated in Table 17, the analysis reveals a significant indirect effect of SOC on PTSD through Perceived Social Support (PSS), with a β = 0.011, t = 2.348, and a 95% CI [-0.02, 0.06]. While the confidence interval includes zero, the t-statistic suggests the presence of partial mediation. This indicates that PSS plays a role in explaining the relationship between SOC strategies and PTSD, though the effect is not large enough to account for the entire relationship.

H7b: Life Satisfaction as a Mediator

The indirect effect through Life Satisfaction is reported in Table 17, with a β = 0.001, t = 2.329, and a 95% CI [0.009, 0.022].

This result supports the hypothesis, indicating that Life Satisfaction partially mediates the relationship between SOC strategies and PTSD. While the effect is small, it contributes to the relationship.

As presented in Table 17, the direct effect of SOC on PTSD remains significant (β = -0.24, p < 0.05), and the total effect is also significant (β = -0.23, p < 0.05). Both PSS and Life Satisfaction partially mediate the relationship between SOC strategies and PTSD, but SOC strategies still exert a significant direct effect on PTSD symptoms. These findings indicate that partial mediation exists in both cases, as PSS and Life Satisfaction mediate the association between SOC strategies and PTSD. However, SOC strategies continue to have a meaningful direct effect on PTSD symptoms.

The demographic composition of the sample likely influenced the study’s results, as participants were predominantly older adults from Ekiti State, Nigeria, a region with distinct socio-cultural and economic factors shaping their experiences. Below, we discuss key sample characteristics and their potential impact on the findings.

The sample was predominantly male (81%), which may have influenced PTSD-related findings. While research on gender differences in PTSD remains mixed [252,253], some studies suggest that men and women experience different PTSD symptom clusters. In older populations, men have been found to report higher levels of hyperarousal and emotional numbing compared to women [254], which may be relevant to this study’s findings.

However, the underrepresentation of women (19%) limits the ability to fully examine gender-related PTSD differences. Cultural and societal factors may also play a role in this disparity, as elderly women in traditional settings are often primary caregivers and may be less likely to participate in research studies. Future research should aim for a more balanced gender distribution to improve generalizability.

Ekiti State is often referred to as the “Fountain of Knowledge” due to its high concentration of professors and a strong emphasis on education, which is reflected in the sample profile of this study. Nearly half of the participants (48.9%) had attained education beyond secondary school, with many holding first degrees and higher qualifications. Research suggests that higher educational attainment is associated with better cognitive flexibility and problem-solving skills, which are beneficial for employing adaptive coping strategies like Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC). However, despite the high levels of education within the sample, the results show a high prevalence of PTSD. This could be attributed to the socioeconomic challenges in Ekiti State, including underemployment and financial insecurity, which may limit the effectiveness of cognitive coping strategies. Moreover, limited access to mental health resources and support networks may exacerbate PTSD symptoms, even among highly educated individuals. Thus, while higher education may enhance cognitive abilities, economic realities and lack of resources may significantly influence the severity of PTSD in this context.

The employment history and socio-economic status of participants in this study likely played a significant role in shaping their mental health outcomes, especially regarding PTSD. Given that 42.27% of participants reported working in government roles (federal, state, or local), this indicates a reliance on government pensions. However, Ekiti State is currently facing a pension crisis, with an estimated 54 billion Naira in unpaid retirement benefits [54]. The financial insecurity that arises from this pension crisis may have directly contributed to heightened stress levels, potentially exacerbating PTSD symptoms.

The occupation and economic status of participants further contribute to this issue. While those employed in teaching (18.7%), trading (15.0%), and farming (15.6%) may have relatively stable occupations, these roles are often characterized by low income and limited financial security. The economic strain that comes with these occupations likely compounds feelings of financial uncertainty and stress, both of which are known risk factors for mental health issues like PTSD.

Moreover, 24.6% of participants reported being unemployed or underemployed, which is consistent with national trends and has been linked to feelings of isolation, financial stress, and a diminished sense of social support. These factors are critical in understanding why the PTSD symptoms observed in this study may have been more severe compared to what might be expected in populations with more financial stability and security.

Thus, the socio-economic context of Ekiti State, including economic insecurity, pension crises, and unemployment, likely shaped the mental health outcomes in this sample. These demographic characteristics are essential to interpreting the findings, as they underscore the role of financial and employment status in influencing mental health and PTSD symptoms in older adults. This points to the need for targeted mental health interventions that also address these broader socio-economic factors, particularly in regions with high levels of economic stress like Ekiti State.

Marital status, family structure, and housing arrangements significantly influenced mental health outcomes in this study, as socio-economic challenges in Ekiti State likely contributed to diminished life satisfaction, which, in turn, may have exacerbated PTSD symptoms. With 72.3% of participants being married and a majority (62%) reporting four or more children, the pressures associated with raising large families in a financially constrained environment can contribute to stress, negatively impacting life satisfaction. Larger families, while providing emotional support, often come with increased financial strain, especially when pension crises and underemployment affect many in the region.

In addition, the housing situation of the participants, with 95% owning homes, points to a preference for stability, yet this may limit financial flexibility in times of economic difficulty. Unlike rented housing, homeownership doesn’t offer an easy option to adjust costs, which could lead to a greater sense of financial insecurity. Such factors contribute to diminished life satisfaction, as participants may experience chronic stress due to financial constraints and limited economic mobility.

Diminished life satisfaction can be both a direct result of economic hardship and a precursor to mental health difficulties like PTSD. When participants face unmet financial needs or struggle with large family responsibilities in a context of limited resources, their overall sense of life satisfaction can decline. This, in turn, amplifies the emotional toll of trauma exposure, potentially making them more vulnerable to severe PTSD symptoms. Therefore, the socio-economic factors tied to marital status, family structure, and housing arrangements likely play a critical role in explaining why participants in this study exhibited more severe PTSD symptoms, particularly in the context of low life satisfaction.

The health status of participants reveals that only 30.8% reported good health, suggesting that financial insecurity and limited healthcare access may have exacerbated PTSD symptoms. Moreover, the age distribution (59.2% in the 65–74 age group, 23.4% in 75–84, and 17.4% in 85+) reflects the well-known challenge in research where the oldest-old demographic is often underrepresented and difficult to engage in data collection. This limited number in the oldest-old group is unlikely to have significantly impacted the sample profile or the findings.

Socio-economic factors such as financial insecurity, poor health, and limited access to services likely contributed to heightened PTSD symptoms. These factors, along with the sample’s demographic characteristics, accentuate the need for addressing these issues in future studies. Future research should aim for a more balanced and diverse sample to fully capture the experiences of different subgroups.

This study has practical, theoretical, and policy implications. It underscores the protective role of Selection, Optimization, and Compensation (SOC) strategies in mitigating PTSD symptoms among senior citizens in Ekiti State. The significant negative correlation between SOC strategies and PTSD symptoms highlights the importance of incorporating these strategies into psychotherapeutic interventions and mental health programs to enhance resilience and psychological well-being in older adults.

Age-specific interventions are crucial for maximizing the effectiveness of mental health programs. For the young-old (65–74), stress management techniques, mindfulness training, and active community involvement should be prioritized. The old-old (75–84) would benefit from reminiscence therapy, which fosters emotional resilience through reflections on life experiences. The oldest-old (85+) require adaptive strategies to cope with physical limitations, emphasizing holistic approaches that integrate physical, emotional, and social well-being. Connecting seniors to community resources, such as home healthcare and senior centers, is essential for enhancing their quality of life.

This study contributes to existing resilience and aging theories by demonstrating that SOC strategies significantly reduce PTSD symptoms in older adults. The findings align with Conservation of Resources (COR) Theory, which posits that individuals strive to protect and enhance their resources; in this case, SOC strategies serve as key psychological resources against PTSD. Additionally, the study supports Social Erosion Theory, which suggests that PTSD can lead to declining social connections; however, SOC strategies help mitigate this effect by promoting engagement and adaptability. Strength and Vulnerability Integration (SAVI) Theory also applies, as it explains how older adults regulate emotions differently based on life experiences, further reinforcing the importance of targeted interventions for different age groups.

Given the demonstrated mental health benefits of SOC strategies, policymakers should prioritize increased funding for senior mental health services, particularly in underserved regions like Ekiti State. Strengthening perceived social support (PSS) and promoting adaptive coping mechanisms through targeted community programs can significantly improve well-being. For younger seniors, policies should foster social connections to reduce isolation, while for the oldest-old, a shift toward personalized, holistic care addressing physical, emotional, and social dependencies is essential. Integrating SOC strategies into healthcare services and linking seniors to community resources can create a more supportive aging environment.

Indeed, this study highlights the importance of age-sensitive mental health strategies and emphasizes the theoretical foundations that explain why SOC strategies are effective in reducing PTSD symptoms. By addressing social and economic factors affecting older adults’ well-being, policymakers and healthcare providers can implement interventions that improve resilience, enhance psychological outcomes, and promote overall quality of life.

All relevant data supporting this current study are available in the public repository Zenodo at the following DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15600501↗. There are no legal or ethical restrictions on sharing the data.